Democratic Republic of Congo President Félix Tshisekedi wants you to believe he is just listening to the people. He claims the country's 2006 constitution is outdated, built for a different time, and full of flaws that stall national progress. But let's look at what is actually happening on the streets of Kinshasa.
In June 2026, police fired tear gas into crowds of protesters. High-profile opposition figures like Martin Fayulu and Delly Sesanga ended up bruised and bleeding after clashes with security forces and pro-government youth groups. The political friction is not about obscure legal text. It is about a calculated effort by the ruling Union for Democracy and Social Progress party to chip away at presidential term limits before Tshisekedi's final mandate ends in December 2028.
We have seen this playbook before in African politics. A leader arrives as a reformer, promises to respect the law, and then discovers that the constitution is suddenly too restrictive once their departure date approaches. If Tshisekedi succeeds in rewriting the rules, he won't just be extending his own time in the presidential palace. He will be dismantling the fragile democratic foundation that the Congolese people fought for decades to build.
The Strategy Behind the Legal Upgrades
Governments love to hide political survival tactics behind bureaucratic procedures. Right now, the push for a new constitution is moving fast through official channels. The National Assembly and the Senate recently passed bills that lay the groundwork for a national referendum on constitutional reform.
Supporters argue that a total rewrite is necessary because the current document creates institutional gridlock. They point to an ongoing, brutal war in the eastern provinces against the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels, alongside a severe Ebola outbreak, as proof that the state needs more centralized power to function effectively during crises.
The most dangerous part of the new legislative push is a specific clause under consideration. It allows the president to amend constitutional provisions in the event of a "major dysfunction" that paralyzes state institutions. It sounds technical, but the real-world implication is clear. By labeling the current security crisis a major dysfunction, the government can legally bypass Article 220, the exact clause that makes presidential term limits completely unchangeable.
When asked directly about a third term at a Kinshasa press conference, Tshisekedi played the reluctant servant. He told reporters he did not seek a third term, but if the people demanded it, he would accept. It is a classic rhetorical shield. By shifting the responsibility to a referendum, the administration frames a power grab as an act of pure democracy.
Why Bypassing Article 220 Shakes the Region
The 2006 constitution was not written overnight. It emerged from a brutal civil war that cost millions of lives. The absolute ban on altering term limits was put there for a reason: to prevent the rise of another lifelong dictatorship like the one under Mobutu Sese Seko.
When leaders mess with these foundational rules, stability crumbles. We only have to look back to 2015 to see how this ends. Former President Joseph Kabila tried to alter electoral laws to stretch his time in office. The result was immediate. Mass street protests broke out, security forces cracked down violently, and intense international pressure eventually forced him to back down.
Interestingly, Tshisekedi himself was out on the streets back then. He marched alongside regular citizens, demanding that Kabila respect the law. Now that he sits in the presidential palace, his perspective has completely shifted.
If the government cannot pass the constitutional changes, analysts at the Ebuteli think tank warn they might pivot to a backup plan known as "drift." This involves using the war in the east as an excuse to indefinitely postpone the next scheduled elections. Whether through a legal rewrite or deliberate bureaucratic delays, the goal remains identical: holding onto power past the expiration date.
What Happens to Regular Citizens
While politicians argue over constitutional clauses in Kinshasa, the humanitarian situation across the country keeps getting worse. According to data from the Council on Foreign Relations, over one million Congolese are currently refugees outside the country, and another 21 million people inside the DRC require immediate food and medical aid.
The wealth of the country is systematically drained by armed groups and corrupt officials trafficking in critical minerals like coltan and gold. Regular people living in eastern villages face constant violence, yet the political elite seems entirely focused on altering structural laws to protect their own jobs.
The opposition has finally found common ground after years of internal division. In May 2026, they formed a united front called Coalition Article 64, referencing the specific constitutional article that gives citizens the right to defeat any attempt to overthrow the democratic order. They have scheduled massive nationwide marches to demand that the president drop the reform plans entirely.
Real Actions for Protecting the Democratic Order
Stoppping a constitutional coup requires immediate, coordinated effort from both domestic civil society and international partners. Standing on the sidelines is not an option.
First, regional bodies like the Southern African Development Community and the African Union must explicitly condemn any effort to alter term limits. Vague statements about maintaining peace do nothing. They need to make it clear that a constitutional rewrite designed to extend a single leader's tenure will result in immediate political isolation and suspension from regional forums.
Second, international partners, particularly the United States and European nations, must tie future financial aid and security assistance directly to the preservation of the current electoral timeline. The U.S. has previously used targeted sanctions against corrupt individuals in the DRC to great effect. Those same tools must be turned toward any official who attempts to manipulate the referendum process or use security forces to crush peaceful opposition rallies.
Finally, the most powerful tool remains the domestic coalition of civil society, independent media, and religious institutions. The powerful Conference of Catholic Bishops has historically been the moral conscience of the nation during political transitions. By organizing citizens, monitoring legislative maneuvers, and refusing to accept a compromised referendum, these groups can create enough internal friction to make a power grab too costly for the ruling party to sustain.
The coming months will decide the direction of the country for the next decade. If the international community and regular citizens allow Congo's leaders to tear up the constitution today, they will ensure a future of conflict, instability, and broken promises for tomorrow.
For a deeper look at how this political crisis is unfolding on the ground, you can watch this analysis of the DRC Political Crisis and Constitutional Changes, which details the legal arguments surrounding Article 220 and the growing public opposition to the referendum.
